The British economy seems to have been going along a bumpy road for the past 3 years: there has been just as much good news as bad on the whole, with no real extremes either way- for better or worse. Although this process continues, there are several reasons for cautious optimism:
Despite the hindrance resulting from the Euro-crisis and belt-tightening across Europe generally (a traditional key source of British income from exports); exports outside of Europe, to the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) countries, as well as members of the G20 are much more promising. And there are great expectations for the US-EU free trade agreement on the way.
Although British-owned car brands only include a handful of niche vehicles; actual manufacturing of cars has not been so high in the UK over the past 60 years as it is now, with Britain now exporting more cars than it imports.
A particularly praiseworthy statistic is that the number of new private sector jobs since 2010 greatly outweighs the public sector jobs lost so far to spending cuts. Also, more people are in employment now than ever in British history (though the fact that unemployment nevertheless remains an issue demonstrates how much larger the British population has become).
Problems remain, with government debt a relentlessly stubborn issue undermining progress- but things are generally heading in the right direction.
Saturday, 22 June 2013
Monarchies of Europe, arise?
As a monarchist, with a keen interest in British and European monarchy, I have noticed that the interest and relative success of European monarchy since the end of the Cold War- and over the last few years in particular. In this time of disillusionment with ruling political elites, there seems to have been a noticeable gravitation towards royal families and the fairy tale, reassuring family and apolitical image and role that they have.
Last year the jubilees of Queen Elizabeth II of Britain and Queen Margrethe II of Denmark were celebrated; whilst this year there was the inauguration of King Wilem-Alexander of the Netherlands, who succeeded his mother Queen Beatrix after her abdication. This is not to mention several royal weddings and births across Europe recently, which have offered escapism for many members of the public. However, despite these events in Western Europe, the region of Europe to observe in terms of support for the monarchy is Eastern Europe- particularly Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Albania. Although these countries have been (or at least part of) republics since the Second World War, as communists forced royals from the thrones of Eastern Europe, deposed royals and their descendants have attempted to subtly reassert their claims to their former thrones- with some success.
Prince Nikola of Montenegro, great-grandson of the last reigning Montenegrin monarch, King Nikola I, received a warm welcome back to Montenegro in 2011. The Montenegrin government formally apologised for the poor treatment of the Montenegrin royals since they were forced from the throne at the end of the First World War- particularly during the communist era. As well as this, the Government also returned the former Montenegrin royal palaces to Prince Nikola; gave him an apartment in the Montenegrin capital, Podgorica; and a salary for Prince Nikola to act as an international representative of Montenegro, in addition to his charitable and supporting roles within Montenegro itself. Consequently, Prince Nikola has been considered by some to be Montenegro's de facto monarch- living in a country where the flag already contains the symbol of the Montenegrin royal family.
The former King Michael of Romania was forced from the throne as a teenage monarch at the end of the Second World War, allegedly at gunpoint, by the new Soviet Union-backed communist Romanian government. He is still alive today, but now an elderly gentleman, who nevertheless attracts crowds of millions supporters in his country, where he returned following the fall of communism there in the 1990s. In the past few years, King Michael has been invited to speak in the Romanian parliament on his birthday; has had a public square in the Romanian capital, Bucharest, named after him; and was recently voted the most trusted public figure in Romania. Meanwhile, the current Romanian president, Traian Basescu, has been shrouded in scandals, and has had a tenuous grip on power for much of the past 5 years.
Like Montenegro, Serbia's national flag contains the symbol of its former monarchy. Crown Prince Alexander (the son of the last Serbian monarch, King Peter II) returned to Serbia in the wake of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Serbia, once the hub of Yugoslavia, was left alone with her national identity battered and bruised. Prince Alexander is an active campaigner for the restoration of the monarchy as a new focus of national identity. He is a very visible presence in Serbia, promoting the role of his ancestors in Serbia's national history, as well as promoting Serbia abroad and highlighting his ties with Europe's other royal families. Prince Alexander and the rest of the Serbian royal family reside in a palace in the Serbian capital, Belgrade.
Finally, Prince Leka, grandson of the last Albanian monarch, King Zog, has been appointed as a government adviser. This comes 10 years after his late father, also called Prince Leka, unsuccessfully campaigned for a restoration of the Albanian monarchy in a referendum in the 1990s, soon after communism fell there.
Whether these four potential monarchs, or any of their numerous counterparts elsewhere in Europe, will make any further progress is unclear, as monarchies have become a rare breed since the World Wars- with only a handful of restorations ever since. Nevertheless, with elected politicians currently attracting unusually high hostility and disillusionment among their citizens, whilst mindful of the national euphoria and celebrations experienced in Europe's remaining monarchies; people may be tempted to give Kings and Queens another try. Or maybe that's just wishful thinking, even a fairy tale, for monarchists to wait for in vain.
Last year the jubilees of Queen Elizabeth II of Britain and Queen Margrethe II of Denmark were celebrated; whilst this year there was the inauguration of King Wilem-Alexander of the Netherlands, who succeeded his mother Queen Beatrix after her abdication. This is not to mention several royal weddings and births across Europe recently, which have offered escapism for many members of the public. However, despite these events in Western Europe, the region of Europe to observe in terms of support for the monarchy is Eastern Europe- particularly Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Albania. Although these countries have been (or at least part of) republics since the Second World War, as communists forced royals from the thrones of Eastern Europe, deposed royals and their descendants have attempted to subtly reassert their claims to their former thrones- with some success.
Prince Nikola of Montenegro, great-grandson of the last reigning Montenegrin monarch, King Nikola I, received a warm welcome back to Montenegro in 2011. The Montenegrin government formally apologised for the poor treatment of the Montenegrin royals since they were forced from the throne at the end of the First World War- particularly during the communist era. As well as this, the Government also returned the former Montenegrin royal palaces to Prince Nikola; gave him an apartment in the Montenegrin capital, Podgorica; and a salary for Prince Nikola to act as an international representative of Montenegro, in addition to his charitable and supporting roles within Montenegro itself. Consequently, Prince Nikola has been considered by some to be Montenegro's de facto monarch- living in a country where the flag already contains the symbol of the Montenegrin royal family.
The former King Michael of Romania was forced from the throne as a teenage monarch at the end of the Second World War, allegedly at gunpoint, by the new Soviet Union-backed communist Romanian government. He is still alive today, but now an elderly gentleman, who nevertheless attracts crowds of millions supporters in his country, where he returned following the fall of communism there in the 1990s. In the past few years, King Michael has been invited to speak in the Romanian parliament on his birthday; has had a public square in the Romanian capital, Bucharest, named after him; and was recently voted the most trusted public figure in Romania. Meanwhile, the current Romanian president, Traian Basescu, has been shrouded in scandals, and has had a tenuous grip on power for much of the past 5 years.
Like Montenegro, Serbia's national flag contains the symbol of its former monarchy. Crown Prince Alexander (the son of the last Serbian monarch, King Peter II) returned to Serbia in the wake of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Serbia, once the hub of Yugoslavia, was left alone with her national identity battered and bruised. Prince Alexander is an active campaigner for the restoration of the monarchy as a new focus of national identity. He is a very visible presence in Serbia, promoting the role of his ancestors in Serbia's national history, as well as promoting Serbia abroad and highlighting his ties with Europe's other royal families. Prince Alexander and the rest of the Serbian royal family reside in a palace in the Serbian capital, Belgrade.
Finally, Prince Leka, grandson of the last Albanian monarch, King Zog, has been appointed as a government adviser. This comes 10 years after his late father, also called Prince Leka, unsuccessfully campaigned for a restoration of the Albanian monarchy in a referendum in the 1990s, soon after communism fell there.
Whether these four potential monarchs, or any of their numerous counterparts elsewhere in Europe, will make any further progress is unclear, as monarchies have become a rare breed since the World Wars- with only a handful of restorations ever since. Nevertheless, with elected politicians currently attracting unusually high hostility and disillusionment among their citizens, whilst mindful of the national euphoria and celebrations experienced in Europe's remaining monarchies; people may be tempted to give Kings and Queens another try. Or maybe that's just wishful thinking, even a fairy tale, for monarchists to wait for in vain.
Sunday, 16 June 2013
Architecture & Shopping in London
Although I like to hear about redevelopment in London, spreading wealth and opportunities across London (and I would like to see this approach on a nationwide scale), I think that, surely, more time and originality could go into new London buildings. Recently in the City of London, we have had (or are in the process of developing) several skyscrapers, including the Shard, Walky-Talky, Cheesegrater, Pinnacle... All given nicknames to try and make them sound interesting, when really they are quite unimaginative towers of glass- interfering with the London skyline. Then, around the Battersea area, all new developments involve glass buildings, such as the new American embassy. The Victoria area is being redeveloped, complete with the Victoria Wedge which, once again, involves whole swathes of glass once again. In East London, the Silvertown area will also be covered in glass buildings. Spotting a pattern? Instead of thoughtful architecture, with many minute details and historical significance (think St Paul's cathedral and the Houses of Parliament); glass buildings are popping up all over London like weeds. But at least they're not as ugly as the old concrete buildings. And they are all being built for the same bland purpose: a combination of apartments (usually sold overseas as investments, doing little to alleviate the city's housing crisis), offices, shops and restaurants.
Having said this, I greatly approve of one of the plans for Silvertown. This involves buildings which will exhibit goods to be purchased online. Seems a common-sense response to online shopping: acknowledging that many purchase their goods online, but equally that many want to "try before they buy" with electric goods, just as they want to with clothes as well. Waterstones would do well to bear this in mind, as many (myself included) want to see what books are like before they buy them. Although I fear that there is little scope for this with CDs and DVDs, so HMV will need to come up with a new technique if they want to succeed, rather than continue to struggle on. Maybe they should allow customers to listen to samples from tracks on a CD or see trailers of DVDs in-store before they purchase them, although YouTube would already provide this function when shopping online...
Either way, on the highstreet, it seems to be survival of the fittest if they are to compete with large Walmart-esque supermarkets that sell everything relatively cheaply, as well as Amazon.
Having said this, I greatly approve of one of the plans for Silvertown. This involves buildings which will exhibit goods to be purchased online. Seems a common-sense response to online shopping: acknowledging that many purchase their goods online, but equally that many want to "try before they buy" with electric goods, just as they want to with clothes as well. Waterstones would do well to bear this in mind, as many (myself included) want to see what books are like before they buy them. Although I fear that there is little scope for this with CDs and DVDs, so HMV will need to come up with a new technique if they want to succeed, rather than continue to struggle on. Maybe they should allow customers to listen to samples from tracks on a CD or see trailers of DVDs in-store before they purchase them, although YouTube would already provide this function when shopping online...
Either way, on the highstreet, it seems to be survival of the fittest if they are to compete with large Walmart-esque supermarkets that sell everything relatively cheaply, as well as Amazon.
Monday, 27 May 2013
Economic Integration... of the UK
If ever the words "economic" and "integration" dominate a news article in the UK, the odds are that they will be talking about the EU- aside from a usually pro-UKIP minority who tend to focus on closer ties with the Commonwealth instead. But an issue I would like to raise considers whether greater integration WITHIN the UK should be a higher priority than integration within another, larger, multinational organisation.
Over recent months, two high profile British politicians, Alex Salmond and Boris Johnson, have publicly and repeatedly made statements which advocate a greater focus on smaller units within the UK and at least some degree of separation. Salmond, the First Minister of Scotland, is an unsurprising separatist, given that he leads the Scottish Nationalist Party. In the midst of the campaign for Scottish independence, Salmond is making the case for how strong Scotland's economy is: besides observing the clear assets the oil and gas supplies from the North Sea could provide an independent Scotland with, Salmond has also drawn attention to the success of other sectors in the Scottish economy, from tourism and exported goods, to powerful banks such as the Royal Bank of Scotland. Meanwhile, Boris Johnson always talks up London's economic success and strength, ranging from the arts (West End theatres, arts projects on London's South Bank...) and sport (the Olympic legacy) to world-leading companies in the finance sector, such as Lloyds and HSBC. Moreover, Johnson has argued that, given London's great economic contribution to the UK, London should be able to keep more of her own profits for her own improvement, e.g. for infrastructure, housing, etc.
Both politicians make valid points: the areas of the UK that they represent do indeed have many economic strengths, to the extent that London and Scotland undoubtedly would even have the ability to "survive" as independent countries, drawing inspiration from the likes of Singapore and Norway respectively. But across ALL of the UK there are many and various success stories which can be impressive individually, but are surely even more so when considered collectively. Rather than forming narrower viewpoints, trying to pull away their key sectors from the rest of the UK, surely it would make more sense to use the many economic assets found across the UK to consolidate their strength to compete in the global economy. Individually, HSBC and RBS are powerful banks and evidence of London's and Scotland's economic prowess- but surely by cooperating as British institutions, the collective force of the UK would be more impressive. And this could be done across all sectors in the UK, as Britain has leading or potentially-leading examples in every field, which would be stronger by pooling their resources and sharing good practice in the UK so that they are better equipped in the face of international competition. I would have thought this would prove to be more effective than attempting to break the UK into smaller and probably more vulnerable economic units, as the Republic of Ireland and Cyprus have demonstrated during this economic crisis. Despite strong international competition, the UK is still home to leading companies and respected institutions: from BP and HSBC, two of the largest companies in the WORLD, to institutions such as the BBC, NHS and Oxford University. Breaking up into smaller units would undoubtedly allow governments to tailor their structures towards their economic specialities- but surely specialising and prioritising certain industries and sectors means effectively putting too many of one's eggs in one basket, so if there is a slump in that key sector, the whole economy suffers. But by exploiting collective expertise in a variety of sectors allows for a broader economy and one that is less exposed to fluctuations in different sections of the economy.
Over recent months, two high profile British politicians, Alex Salmond and Boris Johnson, have publicly and repeatedly made statements which advocate a greater focus on smaller units within the UK and at least some degree of separation. Salmond, the First Minister of Scotland, is an unsurprising separatist, given that he leads the Scottish Nationalist Party. In the midst of the campaign for Scottish independence, Salmond is making the case for how strong Scotland's economy is: besides observing the clear assets the oil and gas supplies from the North Sea could provide an independent Scotland with, Salmond has also drawn attention to the success of other sectors in the Scottish economy, from tourism and exported goods, to powerful banks such as the Royal Bank of Scotland. Meanwhile, Boris Johnson always talks up London's economic success and strength, ranging from the arts (West End theatres, arts projects on London's South Bank...) and sport (the Olympic legacy) to world-leading companies in the finance sector, such as Lloyds and HSBC. Moreover, Johnson has argued that, given London's great economic contribution to the UK, London should be able to keep more of her own profits for her own improvement, e.g. for infrastructure, housing, etc.
Both politicians make valid points: the areas of the UK that they represent do indeed have many economic strengths, to the extent that London and Scotland undoubtedly would even have the ability to "survive" as independent countries, drawing inspiration from the likes of Singapore and Norway respectively. But across ALL of the UK there are many and various success stories which can be impressive individually, but are surely even more so when considered collectively. Rather than forming narrower viewpoints, trying to pull away their key sectors from the rest of the UK, surely it would make more sense to use the many economic assets found across the UK to consolidate their strength to compete in the global economy. Individually, HSBC and RBS are powerful banks and evidence of London's and Scotland's economic prowess- but surely by cooperating as British institutions, the collective force of the UK would be more impressive. And this could be done across all sectors in the UK, as Britain has leading or potentially-leading examples in every field, which would be stronger by pooling their resources and sharing good practice in the UK so that they are better equipped in the face of international competition. I would have thought this would prove to be more effective than attempting to break the UK into smaller and probably more vulnerable economic units, as the Republic of Ireland and Cyprus have demonstrated during this economic crisis. Despite strong international competition, the UK is still home to leading companies and respected institutions: from BP and HSBC, two of the largest companies in the WORLD, to institutions such as the BBC, NHS and Oxford University. Breaking up into smaller units would undoubtedly allow governments to tailor their structures towards their economic specialities- but surely specialising and prioritising certain industries and sectors means effectively putting too many of one's eggs in one basket, so if there is a slump in that key sector, the whole economy suffers. But by exploiting collective expertise in a variety of sectors allows for a broader economy and one that is less exposed to fluctuations in different sections of the economy.
Sunday, 21 April 2013
Give Germany A Break!
Over the past few years, as the combination of recession and government debt has crippled many European economies, much scorn in those hardest-hit countries has been directed at Germany. Widely credited as the motor keeping the Eurozone moving, as a consequence of its fundamental economic contribution to the Eurozone, parallels have been drawn between the economic power Germany wields in Europe today; and its military power in the continent 70 years ago during the Second World War. These comparisons, in my opinion, are deeply unfair.
Firstly, although we know that the choice of member states for the Eurozone, and how it functions, were reckless and irresponsible (particularly with hindsight): tying too-diverse economies together, which, depending on how you look at it, seem either too closely integrated or not close enough for their own good. However, as far as I understand, all those countries that joined the Eurozone did so through their own choice, so the governments of these countries were as reckless and irresponsible as those who established the Eurozone, by not anticipating the potential problems they could face. Moreover, in the cases where governments accumulated debts far exceeding the recommended European Union levels, they left a very dangerous legacy that their people would inevitably have to endure in the foreseeable future. Although the UK faces great problems in terms of debt, the hardest-hit countries in the Eurozone have had a far worse experience due to their membership of this project. The price for some economic protection from other Eurozone members has been very high, as measures to resolve economic problems have been dictated to them. But this is not done out of malice, and to punish the public. Stronger Eurozone countries, like Germany, understandably do not want to be used as a cash-machine, and a means to instant economic support and recovery whenever governments recklessly overspend. Because the economies of the EU are tied together, they all have a stake in each others' successes and failures; hence why the stronger economies are obliged to support the weaker ones in times of crisis. But for this to be a fair process, it makes sense for "terms and conditions" to be imposed in exchange for substantial support, as well as reassuring measures to try and reduce the risk of this happening again. So, really and truly, there should be gratitude for economic support to prevent economic collapse: otherwise, they should seek to withdraw from the Eurozone until they are fiscally-prepared for the realities of a common currency (as outlined in another blog entry). Already, the British public are resentful towards the transfer of billions of pounds to elsewhere in Europe, where there is the chance of these billions being spent unwisely, and with the British having relatively little say over how their money, which could otherwise be used to alleviate current problems in the UK, is being distributed and spent across Europe. Therefore, imagine if Britain was also part of the Eurozone, and sending even more money across the continent to prop up irresponsible governments: with those who are irresponsible receiving money; and those who have spent wisely are transferring it elsewhere, for an indirect benefit, as is the case with Germany. The British would be furious, and potentially demanding their in-out referendum from the EU to be even sooner!
Secondly, Germany is not only the primary contributor to propping up the Eurozone- but it is demonised for doing so! Germany is associated with imposing austerity, but it is doing so for perfectly fair and rational reasons, as explained above. But what is particularly unfair is how so many are comparing today's democratic and peaceful Germany under Chancellor Angela Merkel, to the undemocratic and belligerent Germanys of Bismarck, Kaiser Wilhelm and particularly Hitler. Germany is indeed highly influential in Europe today, with its longest, most sustainable, dominating influence in the continent in history. But, unlike the aforementioned historic leaders of Germany, this increased power and influence has been achieved through hard work, sensible leadership, responsible economic development combined with the willing, ongoing voluntary concessions of sovereignty of other European countries to a federal Europe; as opposed to the military coercion, adopted by these historic leaders, in an attempt to achieve their goals. Germany is a great success, and deserves to be, for doing the right things and making the right decisions. Whether out of jealousy, desperation, an eagerness to find a scapegoat, or a combination of all these factors; unfair criticisms are being directed at Germany today, undermining her with her somewhat controversial history- when really the Germanophobes of today across Europe should consider the logic behind Germany's actions; attempt to empathise with the German government and the German people; and take a closer look at the actions of their own governments before demonising others.
Firstly, although we know that the choice of member states for the Eurozone, and how it functions, were reckless and irresponsible (particularly with hindsight): tying too-diverse economies together, which, depending on how you look at it, seem either too closely integrated or not close enough for their own good. However, as far as I understand, all those countries that joined the Eurozone did so through their own choice, so the governments of these countries were as reckless and irresponsible as those who established the Eurozone, by not anticipating the potential problems they could face. Moreover, in the cases where governments accumulated debts far exceeding the recommended European Union levels, they left a very dangerous legacy that their people would inevitably have to endure in the foreseeable future. Although the UK faces great problems in terms of debt, the hardest-hit countries in the Eurozone have had a far worse experience due to their membership of this project. The price for some economic protection from other Eurozone members has been very high, as measures to resolve economic problems have been dictated to them. But this is not done out of malice, and to punish the public. Stronger Eurozone countries, like Germany, understandably do not want to be used as a cash-machine, and a means to instant economic support and recovery whenever governments recklessly overspend. Because the economies of the EU are tied together, they all have a stake in each others' successes and failures; hence why the stronger economies are obliged to support the weaker ones in times of crisis. But for this to be a fair process, it makes sense for "terms and conditions" to be imposed in exchange for substantial support, as well as reassuring measures to try and reduce the risk of this happening again. So, really and truly, there should be gratitude for economic support to prevent economic collapse: otherwise, they should seek to withdraw from the Eurozone until they are fiscally-prepared for the realities of a common currency (as outlined in another blog entry). Already, the British public are resentful towards the transfer of billions of pounds to elsewhere in Europe, where there is the chance of these billions being spent unwisely, and with the British having relatively little say over how their money, which could otherwise be used to alleviate current problems in the UK, is being distributed and spent across Europe. Therefore, imagine if Britain was also part of the Eurozone, and sending even more money across the continent to prop up irresponsible governments: with those who are irresponsible receiving money; and those who have spent wisely are transferring it elsewhere, for an indirect benefit, as is the case with Germany. The British would be furious, and potentially demanding their in-out referendum from the EU to be even sooner!
Secondly, Germany is not only the primary contributor to propping up the Eurozone- but it is demonised for doing so! Germany is associated with imposing austerity, but it is doing so for perfectly fair and rational reasons, as explained above. But what is particularly unfair is how so many are comparing today's democratic and peaceful Germany under Chancellor Angela Merkel, to the undemocratic and belligerent Germanys of Bismarck, Kaiser Wilhelm and particularly Hitler. Germany is indeed highly influential in Europe today, with its longest, most sustainable, dominating influence in the continent in history. But, unlike the aforementioned historic leaders of Germany, this increased power and influence has been achieved through hard work, sensible leadership, responsible economic development combined with the willing, ongoing voluntary concessions of sovereignty of other European countries to a federal Europe; as opposed to the military coercion, adopted by these historic leaders, in an attempt to achieve their goals. Germany is a great success, and deserves to be, for doing the right things and making the right decisions. Whether out of jealousy, desperation, an eagerness to find a scapegoat, or a combination of all these factors; unfair criticisms are being directed at Germany today, undermining her with her somewhat controversial history- when really the Germanophobes of today across Europe should consider the logic behind Germany's actions; attempt to empathise with the German government and the German people; and take a closer look at the actions of their own governments before demonising others.
Sunday, 14 April 2013
Tribute to Margaret Thatcher
At this time, it would be fitting to pay a tribute to a woman I feel was one of the greatest Prime Ministers in British history: Margaret Thatcher. Undoubtedly a controversial leader, following the former Prime Minister's recent death I thought that it would be worth adding my opinion to the many other opinions shared about the Iron Lady- or Marmite Lady as I also consider her, as she seems to be the sort of leader that you either "love or hate" like Marmite- and you are rarely indifferent too.
I don't agree with everything she did: the poll tax was an unfair tax for demanding equal amounts from the richest and poorest in the country; meanwhile, particularly with the aid of hindsight, I wonder if more could have been done to bolster manufacturing during her premiership, rather than shifting focus so dramatically from manufacturing to the services sector. In most ways, I agree with the policies of current Prime Minister David Cameron more than those of Margaret Thatcher. However, I lament the fact that Cameron seems to lack the same level of vision, passion and determination that Mrs Thatcher displayed during her terms of office. Now, I was not even 10 months old when Mrs Thatcher was forced to resign as Prime Minister, so I cannot speak of personal experience during her premiership, although I did undoubtedly grow up at a time when MT's shadow loomed large over British politics...
To understand Mrs Thatcher's impact, it seems best to compare the 1980s (the decade which saw MT as Prime Minister for every single day) with the 1970s. On the one hand, the 1970s are sometimes looked back on nostalgically for the music (ranging from Led Zeppelin to the Rubettes) as well as the TV, which included the family-friendly comedy of Morecambe & Wise; the cheeky sitcom Are You Being Served?; and the witty Fawlty Towers. Meanwhile, there was a spread of jobs in the public and private sector- with those in the public sector seeming to be quite safe, so long as the unions loomed large and deterred governments, whether Conservative or Labour, from even dreaming of ditching their jobs. This was the last decade of what was the Post-War, "Consensus" Britain, where the political mainstream was left-of-centre, and neither of the main parties seemed willing to rock the boat by overtly challenging the welfare state, NHS and nationalisation established by Labour under Clement Attlee in the wake of the Second World War. Whether vehemently opposed or supportive of Mrs Thatcher, few deny that she drastically challenged this vision of Britain; ended much of Consensus Britain; and established the model of Britain which largely remains ever since her premiership.
Despite the positive aspects of the compromising, easy-going Consensus Britain, steering Britain down a road of "managed decline", as the memory of the Empire faded and Britain evolved into a new status as a run-of-the-mill state within the European Community- in some ways it was arguably an unsustainable path, and it's difficult to predict what have happened to Britain were it not for Mrs Thatcher. But Consensus Britain was expensive for the government to maintain, with a large state sector, which would support industries, from British Steel and British Leyland automobiles to the famous coal mines, that was willing to subsidize all industries- regardless of whether they could survive alone on their profits, for the sake of preserving jobs. Whilst a seemingly kind and considerate approach, in practice it empowered potentially militant unions, such as the National Union of Mineworkers under Arthur Scargill, to threaten strikes to bring the country to a standstill if the government even considered curbing their income or numbers. Moreover, funding this was proving increasingly difficult- even raising income tax to unprecedented highs, provoking a flight of many wealthy individuals to less punitive tax regimes (celebrities were the most high profile cases, though there were many others, who took their wealth (and revenue/spending-power) with them from the British economy to another). And yet, Consensus Britain ended with that hallmark of economic failure: a loan from the IMF. To meet the terms of this loan, cuts would have been necessary anyway, as we see across Europe today to meet their bailout conditions.
But with Mrs Thatcher's government, regardless of the IMF loan, there was a determination to sort the nation's finances. The Consensus Britain of the past was economically unsustainable because it was unaffordable, hence why the size of the public sector was cut dramatically; subsidies to unprofitable industries were halted, left to sink or swim naturally; and ultimately, unprofitable mines were closed. This would bring state finances into order, and hopefully bring greater economic stability and sustainability. MT believed in a reduced public sector anyway, taking the view that the state should only provide the essentials and that to create jobs for jobs' sake was impractical. She also considered the state a necessary evil, and disapproved of a state that reached into all spheres of life. She once also said that the state should be the public's servant, not its master- hence why she was motivated to reduce its interference in people's lives. She was a believer in meritocracy: everyone should succeed through their own efforts and abilities, with the government only providing the foundations and a safety net if required.
Moreover, closing unprofitable mines also brought her government directly into confrontation with Mr Scargill's NUM. Though thousands relied on the mines for their livelihood, I can sympathies with a desire to replace them with a more economically-sustainable means than an unprofitable, subsidised industry. Also be mindful that, during the 1970s (and to a lesser extent in the 1960s and 1980s), Mr Scargill led a militant, blackmailing campaign against the governments of the day: keep our jobs and boost our wages, or we'll strike; limit energy supplies; and consequently prevent heat and light entering the homes, workplaces, hospitals and schools across the country. So what was essentially a conflict between the government and a trade union, actually victimised and punished the public more than anyone else. They were the ones who had to endure a "three day week" in the early 70s, due to restrictions of energy supplies. So, understandably, this was not a practice that could be allowed to continue. However, whilst the end of unprofitable mines made sense, more probably should have been provided to fill the inevitable gaps in employment.
As I have said in earlier posts, British involvement in the Falklands War WAS justified: defending the rights of the Falkland Islanders to remain in their homes, under their own government. I also agree with MT's support for European cooperation and common market, yet critical stance on federal European interference in member states' politics.
Her vision was to create a sustainable meritocracy in place of an unsustainable, declining class-bond state; she passionately defended the logic and benefits of her economic model and the rights of Britons' internationally; and she determinedly achieved these goals, though with many victims (including herself) left as a result. Like it or not, Mrs Thatcher transformed Britain from the declining, post-imperial, more modest European state of the Consensus years; to an assertive Britain, doggedly defending seats at the top tables of international diplomacy, challenging European intervention in British governance, and (most controversially of all) willingly sending British troops around the world for international causes: starting with the Falklands War, military activism was continued with the Gulf War, Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as involvement in Libya and elsewhere.
Mrs Thatcher brought many opportunities to Britons from a range of backgrounds; my hope is that the success she brought to the South-East of England will be replicated by her successors elsewhere in the UK as well over coming the years.
I don't agree with everything she did: the poll tax was an unfair tax for demanding equal amounts from the richest and poorest in the country; meanwhile, particularly with the aid of hindsight, I wonder if more could have been done to bolster manufacturing during her premiership, rather than shifting focus so dramatically from manufacturing to the services sector. In most ways, I agree with the policies of current Prime Minister David Cameron more than those of Margaret Thatcher. However, I lament the fact that Cameron seems to lack the same level of vision, passion and determination that Mrs Thatcher displayed during her terms of office. Now, I was not even 10 months old when Mrs Thatcher was forced to resign as Prime Minister, so I cannot speak of personal experience during her premiership, although I did undoubtedly grow up at a time when MT's shadow loomed large over British politics...
To understand Mrs Thatcher's impact, it seems best to compare the 1980s (the decade which saw MT as Prime Minister for every single day) with the 1970s. On the one hand, the 1970s are sometimes looked back on nostalgically for the music (ranging from Led Zeppelin to the Rubettes) as well as the TV, which included the family-friendly comedy of Morecambe & Wise; the cheeky sitcom Are You Being Served?; and the witty Fawlty Towers. Meanwhile, there was a spread of jobs in the public and private sector- with those in the public sector seeming to be quite safe, so long as the unions loomed large and deterred governments, whether Conservative or Labour, from even dreaming of ditching their jobs. This was the last decade of what was the Post-War, "Consensus" Britain, where the political mainstream was left-of-centre, and neither of the main parties seemed willing to rock the boat by overtly challenging the welfare state, NHS and nationalisation established by Labour under Clement Attlee in the wake of the Second World War. Whether vehemently opposed or supportive of Mrs Thatcher, few deny that she drastically challenged this vision of Britain; ended much of Consensus Britain; and established the model of Britain which largely remains ever since her premiership.
Despite the positive aspects of the compromising, easy-going Consensus Britain, steering Britain down a road of "managed decline", as the memory of the Empire faded and Britain evolved into a new status as a run-of-the-mill state within the European Community- in some ways it was arguably an unsustainable path, and it's difficult to predict what have happened to Britain were it not for Mrs Thatcher. But Consensus Britain was expensive for the government to maintain, with a large state sector, which would support industries, from British Steel and British Leyland automobiles to the famous coal mines, that was willing to subsidize all industries- regardless of whether they could survive alone on their profits, for the sake of preserving jobs. Whilst a seemingly kind and considerate approach, in practice it empowered potentially militant unions, such as the National Union of Mineworkers under Arthur Scargill, to threaten strikes to bring the country to a standstill if the government even considered curbing their income or numbers. Moreover, funding this was proving increasingly difficult- even raising income tax to unprecedented highs, provoking a flight of many wealthy individuals to less punitive tax regimes (celebrities were the most high profile cases, though there were many others, who took their wealth (and revenue/spending-power) with them from the British economy to another). And yet, Consensus Britain ended with that hallmark of economic failure: a loan from the IMF. To meet the terms of this loan, cuts would have been necessary anyway, as we see across Europe today to meet their bailout conditions.
But with Mrs Thatcher's government, regardless of the IMF loan, there was a determination to sort the nation's finances. The Consensus Britain of the past was economically unsustainable because it was unaffordable, hence why the size of the public sector was cut dramatically; subsidies to unprofitable industries were halted, left to sink or swim naturally; and ultimately, unprofitable mines were closed. This would bring state finances into order, and hopefully bring greater economic stability and sustainability. MT believed in a reduced public sector anyway, taking the view that the state should only provide the essentials and that to create jobs for jobs' sake was impractical. She also considered the state a necessary evil, and disapproved of a state that reached into all spheres of life. She once also said that the state should be the public's servant, not its master- hence why she was motivated to reduce its interference in people's lives. She was a believer in meritocracy: everyone should succeed through their own efforts and abilities, with the government only providing the foundations and a safety net if required.
Moreover, closing unprofitable mines also brought her government directly into confrontation with Mr Scargill's NUM. Though thousands relied on the mines for their livelihood, I can sympathies with a desire to replace them with a more economically-sustainable means than an unprofitable, subsidised industry. Also be mindful that, during the 1970s (and to a lesser extent in the 1960s and 1980s), Mr Scargill led a militant, blackmailing campaign against the governments of the day: keep our jobs and boost our wages, or we'll strike; limit energy supplies; and consequently prevent heat and light entering the homes, workplaces, hospitals and schools across the country. So what was essentially a conflict between the government and a trade union, actually victimised and punished the public more than anyone else. They were the ones who had to endure a "three day week" in the early 70s, due to restrictions of energy supplies. So, understandably, this was not a practice that could be allowed to continue. However, whilst the end of unprofitable mines made sense, more probably should have been provided to fill the inevitable gaps in employment.
As I have said in earlier posts, British involvement in the Falklands War WAS justified: defending the rights of the Falkland Islanders to remain in their homes, under their own government. I also agree with MT's support for European cooperation and common market, yet critical stance on federal European interference in member states' politics.
Her vision was to create a sustainable meritocracy in place of an unsustainable, declining class-bond state; she passionately defended the logic and benefits of her economic model and the rights of Britons' internationally; and she determinedly achieved these goals, though with many victims (including herself) left as a result. Like it or not, Mrs Thatcher transformed Britain from the declining, post-imperial, more modest European state of the Consensus years; to an assertive Britain, doggedly defending seats at the top tables of international diplomacy, challenging European intervention in British governance, and (most controversially of all) willingly sending British troops around the world for international causes: starting with the Falklands War, military activism was continued with the Gulf War, Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as involvement in Libya and elsewhere.
Mrs Thatcher brought many opportunities to Britons from a range of backgrounds; my hope is that the success she brought to the South-East of England will be replicated by her successors elsewhere in the UK as well over coming the years.
Friday, 29 March 2013
Eur-opeless
Ever since Britain began engaging in the process of European integration in the 1970s, there has been an often awkward relationship between the British and their continental counterparts. This has been a running theme that continues to this day- an issue that currently looms larger in British politics than it has for decades due to the Conservatives' promise of an in-out referendum on European Union membership in the next parliament (should they be re-elected)- which consequently puts pressure on the Labour party to match that pledge. So there is a significant chance of a referendum on British membership before 2020.
Though Eurosceptic, I am not a Europhobe: I believe that membership of the European Union is ultimately in Britain's best interests, although I am wary of federal European interference in member states' affairs. The greater ease in terms of trade that membership offers, through a common market which provides easier access to other continental markets, as well as making Britain more attractive as an accessible gateway into Europe, is arguably the organisation's greatest asset from Britain's perspective. It also bolsters Britain's bargaining power when negotiating trade deals with large nations: an influential representative of an organisation of hundreds of millions of people has more leverage than a representative of tens of millions of people alone. Moreover, having a large say in the running of the EU (and paying for access to the common market and its institutions) is fairer than paying out and having to abide by legislation over which you have little to no influence, as is the situation for Norway and Switzerland.
Having said this, the EU and its supporters have been unbelievably poor at conveying to the British public these benefits; instead the EU is associated with unfair intervention in states' affairs, economic incompetence and detachment from reality. Following developments within EU member states, primarily Britain, in the British media (even the BBC, associated with a more centrist, unbiased approach to many issues), the British public are almost relentlessly bombarded with these negative associations with Europe. At present, prominent stories include how Cyprus is struggling with its finances, and is having to raid and undermine its own banks, due to pressure from the EU; there are fears in Britain of Romanians and Bulgarians arriving en masse next year due to the expiration of restrictions on their arrival in this and other EU member states- people from some of the EU's poorest states, who are expected to put greater pressure on already overstretched housing, jobs market, and the public sector generally (see my previous post for more on this), with Romanians currently associated in the British press with squatting in private properties; exploiting Britain's "Big Issue" magazine for the homeless for their own acute material gain; and criminal gangs. Meanwhile, the European Court of Human Rights (not an EU institution, but strongly associated with the body nevertheless) is preventing the British government from deporting the infamous Abu Qatada back to Jordan. Practically every week in the UK, there is a news story showcasing the cracks in the EU as an organisation, and highlighting the plight of its members: from economic crises in Greece, to prolonged attempts to form governments in Italy this year and Belgium last year.
Given this relentless negative association with Europe, combined with other concerns in Britain today, it is unsurprising that the UK Independence Party seems an attractive alternative for an increasing number of voters. Despite our differences, the partnership between Britain and other EU member states is very valuable and practical; for the reasons I described above from Britain's perspective, whilst others value Britain's positive influence in terms of defending democracy and the free market within the EU (not to mention its sizable contribution to EU funds!). Consequently, if those who consider British EU membership as beneficial, both within and outside of the UK, and want to keep it intact, they need to seriously get their act together if they want to guarantee that UKIP will remain outside of the British parliament for the foreseeable future, and secure a "Yes" vote for Britain remaining in the EU in a potential referendum.
Though Eurosceptic, I am not a Europhobe: I believe that membership of the European Union is ultimately in Britain's best interests, although I am wary of federal European interference in member states' affairs. The greater ease in terms of trade that membership offers, through a common market which provides easier access to other continental markets, as well as making Britain more attractive as an accessible gateway into Europe, is arguably the organisation's greatest asset from Britain's perspective. It also bolsters Britain's bargaining power when negotiating trade deals with large nations: an influential representative of an organisation of hundreds of millions of people has more leverage than a representative of tens of millions of people alone. Moreover, having a large say in the running of the EU (and paying for access to the common market and its institutions) is fairer than paying out and having to abide by legislation over which you have little to no influence, as is the situation for Norway and Switzerland.
Having said this, the EU and its supporters have been unbelievably poor at conveying to the British public these benefits; instead the EU is associated with unfair intervention in states' affairs, economic incompetence and detachment from reality. Following developments within EU member states, primarily Britain, in the British media (even the BBC, associated with a more centrist, unbiased approach to many issues), the British public are almost relentlessly bombarded with these negative associations with Europe. At present, prominent stories include how Cyprus is struggling with its finances, and is having to raid and undermine its own banks, due to pressure from the EU; there are fears in Britain of Romanians and Bulgarians arriving en masse next year due to the expiration of restrictions on their arrival in this and other EU member states- people from some of the EU's poorest states, who are expected to put greater pressure on already overstretched housing, jobs market, and the public sector generally (see my previous post for more on this), with Romanians currently associated in the British press with squatting in private properties; exploiting Britain's "Big Issue" magazine for the homeless for their own acute material gain; and criminal gangs. Meanwhile, the European Court of Human Rights (not an EU institution, but strongly associated with the body nevertheless) is preventing the British government from deporting the infamous Abu Qatada back to Jordan. Practically every week in the UK, there is a news story showcasing the cracks in the EU as an organisation, and highlighting the plight of its members: from economic crises in Greece, to prolonged attempts to form governments in Italy this year and Belgium last year.
Given this relentless negative association with Europe, combined with other concerns in Britain today, it is unsurprising that the UK Independence Party seems an attractive alternative for an increasing number of voters. Despite our differences, the partnership between Britain and other EU member states is very valuable and practical; for the reasons I described above from Britain's perspective, whilst others value Britain's positive influence in terms of defending democracy and the free market within the EU (not to mention its sizable contribution to EU funds!). Consequently, if those who consider British EU membership as beneficial, both within and outside of the UK, and want to keep it intact, they need to seriously get their act together if they want to guarantee that UKIP will remain outside of the British parliament for the foreseeable future, and secure a "Yes" vote for Britain remaining in the EU in a potential referendum.
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